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Macroeconomics

The Euro as an Optimum Currency Area? A Reappraisal

- Gunther Schnabl , Moritz Pfeifer

STUDY. Due to persistent heterogeneity, the euro is not an optimal currency area. Cohesion can only be ensured by the ECB and the EU, which entails risks in terms of growth and distribution.

Executive Summary

The aim of the study

The study examines whether, more than 25 years after the introduction of the euro, the euro area constitutes an optimum currency area. This is important to ensure that the European Central Bank’s monetary policy can stabilise inflation and growth, rather than exacerbating potential imbalances.

The starting point is the theory of optimum currency areas developed by Robert Mundell. His theory assumes that a common monetary policy is only effective if economic structures and business cycles are similar. Alternatively, other adjustment mechanisms such as flexible labour markets, integrated capital markets and financial transfers must be available.

If, for example, the economic cycle in Germany and Spain follows the same pattern, then the ECB can lower interest rates during a recession to facilitate the recovery in both countries. If both countries are in a boom, the ECB can raise interest rates to curb inflation in both. However, if Germany is in crisis and Spain is in a boom, it cannot pursue a monetary policy that suits both countries.

The euro was not, and still is not, an optimum currency area

The euro area was not an optimum currency area at the outset and has not yet become one. Contrary to expectations, the introduction of the euro has not led to convergence among the euro area countries that would ensure that the ECB’s monetary policy has the same effect across all parts of the euro area.

The design of the monetary union is flawed: the member states of the euro area do not have a common fiscal and social policy that could balance out or cushion differing economic developments. EU regional policy is too limited in scope and lacks focus for this purpose. The missing willingness among European politicians to implement reforms has failed to make labour markets sufficiently flexible.

The elimination of exchange rate fluctuations has not led to synchronized business cycles through increased trade integration among euro area countries. Nor have integrated capital markets in the euro area contributed to convergence as hoped. On the contrary, in conjunction with uncoordinated fiscal policies, capital markets have contributed significantly to new imbalances and to the European financial and debt crisis.

The ECB and the EU must hold the eurozone together

Following the euro crisis extensive cohesion mechanisms had to be established to stabilise the euro: rescue funds (EFSF, EFSM, ESM), massive ECB bond purchases and longer-term refinancing operations, as well as the Eurosystem’s TARGET2 balances.

For some time now, debt-financed EU spending programmes such as the SURE labour market programme (€100 billion) and NextGenerationEU (€809 billion) have been evening out economic disparities within the euro area. Former crisis countries such as Spain and Italy have performed well as a result, but the core euro area countries, France and Germany, are faltering under the burden.

The creeping transformation into a liability and transfer union has negative effects on growth and distribution, contributing to political polarisation in Europe. From this perspective, a continuation of the euro rescue policies does not appear sustainable in the long term.

Scenarios for the long-term sustainability of the eurozone

A return to a strict focus on currency stability, as enshrined in the Maastricht Treaties, would require a more restrictive monetary policy and greater fiscal discipline at the national level and the level of the European Union. The advantage would be positive growth effects that would stabilise the euro politically and economically.

The completion of a political union with a common fiscal and social policy, including institutionalised regional fiscal equalisation within the EU, could alternatively ensure the long-term stability of the euro. This raises the question of how the relationship between EU fiscal policy and ECB monetary policy would be organized – whether it would be stability-oriented or involve a central bank dependent on the EU.

If neither option is politically feasible, an orderly division of the monetary union into a northern and a southern eurozone could reduce tensions. The resulting currency competition could generate productivity gains that might stabilise Europe economically and politically.

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